reports on politics and education for the Tribune, which she joined in November 2009. She writes about the effects of the state budget, school finance reform, accountability and testing in Texas public schools. Her political coverage has included congressional and legislative races, as well as Gov. Rick Perry's presidential campaign, which she followed to Iowa and New Hampshire.
In 2013, she received a National Education Writers Association award for "Death of a District," a series on school closures. After earning a bachelor's degree in English from Wellesley College, she moved to Austin in 2008 to enter law school at the University of Texas.
A San Antonio native, her work has also appeared in Slate, where she spent a year as an editorial intern in Washington D.C.
In a March 3 meeting with a constituent, Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller suggested that his agency could change the label on a hog poison to eliminate important warnings and a requirement to bury the carcasses of poisoned animals, which he said simply wasn't "doable."
The company behind the only EPA-approved pesticide for feral hogs has withdrawn its request for registration in Texas. But that doesn’t mean the battle over the warfarin-based poison’s safety is finished.
Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller’s push to use a warfarin-based poison to kill feral hogs in the state has a long list of opponents that now includes more than two-thirds of the Legislature where Miller once served.
At a news conference with senators supporting the so-called bathroom bill, Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr. was the lone Democrat. It's not the first time Lucio has bucked his own party to vote with the GOP on controversial issues.
The state’s top leaders have remained silent on whether they'll provide more resources for sex-trafficking victims — or more funding for the crippled child welfare system that’s supposed to protect vulnerable kids.
Over the past week, we’ve exposed how Texas leaders who crusade against sex trafficking have done almost nothing to help child trafficking victims. We asked those closest to the issue how they would begin addressing the problem. Here's what they said.
Laws the state uses to put sex traffickers behind bars can sweep up their prey, too. A few years in age can mean the difference between a chance at rehabilitation and a lengthy prison sentence, as Yvette learned.
No one wanted Lena behind bars. She was not a prostitute; she was a child who had been sexually exploited. But teenage sex-trafficking victims in Texas end up in jail for one simple reason: There's nowhere else for them to go.
After her father raped her, Jean became one of the roughly 12,000 Texas kids in long-term foster care, a system that often leaves children more damaged than when they arrive. For Jean, selling sex seemed like a safer bet.