State Government

It’s been a bummer of a week for optimists. It looked for a minute there like the Texas Senate had everything lined up for a quick resolution on school finance, but they reverted to form and fell into a series of old and new traps.

That act following the Easter Bunny by a day is none other than your Texas Legislature, coming to Austin to work on a problem that has left them bewitched, bothered, and bewildered for years: School finance.

Folks who want to spend the state’s surplus on school tax cuts are meeting arguments that the surplus is already used up.

And for a tax bill that’s been on the ground for 48 hours — with few surprises after all the leaks of the four months — that’s remarkable. This one’s going to sit out for 19 days before legislators convene to officially consider it, plenty of time for opponents to chew on it.

Now that he’s called a special session on school finance for April 17, Gov. Rick Perry has to sell lawmakers on the idea of raising state taxes to lower local property taxes while not putting new money into education. It’s a swap, see, and not an increase in taxes.

While former Comptroller John Sharp and the rest of Gov. Rick Perry’s tax reform commission works on proposed revisions to the state’s business taxes, they’re starting to hear more noise from lawmakers and lobbyists. That’s not unusual with a special session approaching, but it’s dangerous for tax bills: An unprotected tax bill lasts about as long as free pot at a rock concert and isn’t nearly as much fun.

Maybe it’s a failure of imagination, but we don’t see an overarching narrative line in the results of this week’s primaries. It’s like sitting with a palm reader who, after five minutes of scrutiny looks up and says, “Well, this is interesting.”

Back in the middle 1980s, a Dallas savings and loan tycoon who gave a lot to Texas Democrats said it was usually better to be the second- or third-biggest political giver in any given election cycle, since the guy giving the most took the shots in the papers. But sometimes, the guy you think is giving the most money is actually in second place.

It’s an odd election season, with little of real interest at the top of the ballots and blossoming competition in Republican primaries. State leaders don’t seem to know what to do with themselves.

Austin Republican Ben Bentzin started his latest attempt to win a seat in the statehouse with every advantage: Help from high state officials; a district drawn for a Republican; a special election called by a Republican governor for a date that was presumably to the advantage of his own party; a successful effort at keeping other Republicans out of the race; two Democrats splitting votes on their side and supposedly bettering his chances in a special election; and a huge financial advantage over everyone else in the field.