State Government

Robby Cook III, one of several conservative Democrats living in GOP-targeted statehouse districts, was on the verge of a party switch when he decided late last week not to run for reelection. The Eagle Lake farmer, who’s been a House member since 1997, is clearly conflicted about his partisan affiliations at the moment. He says he’s out of sync with his own party’s liberals, but also didn’t like what the GOP’s congressional redistricting maps do to rural Texas.

Bill Ratliff, a Republican engineer who upset a Democratic incumbent 15 years ago and then became a moderate voice as his party took over the Legislature, is leaving the Senate in the middle of his term to return to Mount Pleasant, his family, and political retirement.

Some of the state’s school finance mechanics are looking — again — at splitting the property tax rolls to put business property taxes into a state fund for all schools while leaving residential property tax revenues in control of local school districts.

At the end of March, the state’s prepaid tuition plan was $226 million in the hole, primarily because the money invested by parents was doing the same thing everybody’s 401k has been doing. And with the Legislature’s decision this year to deregulate tuition, it’ll be that much harder for the fund’s investments to keep up with the cost of higher education in Texas.

The prospect of a special legislative session in an election year is making some Texas lawmakers nervous, especially because the subject — school finance — is a hazardous political substance. On the surface, special committees and other experts are studying complete revisions of the state’s current school finance mechanism, involving everything from studies on how much it takes to educate an average student to a particular level, to a diagnosis of what’s wrong with the current tax system, to whatever else can be attached to the school finance question. A full remodeling would require some new state taxes to replace the local property taxes causing much of the outcry. And a growing number of school districts are signing onto the latest legal challenge to the Texas school system, which could go to court next summer if lawmakers haven’t applied enough patches by then.

The political trunk sale that follows every round of redistricting is underway in earnest, with candidates checking out the new goods and signing up for the stuff they want.

Legislative negotiations are usually scripted like madcap romance movies: Boy meets Girl, Girl ditches Boy, Boy and Girl smooch and ride off into the future. Before the closing lip-lock, there’s always a big fight that looks like viewers will go home unhappy with popcorn stuck in their molars. If it’s from Hollywood, though, you always get your kiss.

News accounts a couple of years ago detailed the death of a man who hooked a rocket engine to a motorbike in an attempt to jump it over a canyon. The takeoff went as planned, but the rocket-powered bike aimed too low and smashed in to the opposite wall of the canyon. If he’d made it across the canyon, he’d have been a star. Instead, the rider got a posthumous “Darwin Award,” given to people involved in accidents that defy common sense.

Before the inevitable court battles over redistricting, the Republicans in the Legislature have to draw maps, get them passed and get the governor’s signature. And the game for the next week is relatively simple to explain. The House passed the same plan it passed in the first and second special sessions. It creates a new seat dominated by Midland County, home of House Speaker Tom Craddick, and pairs (among others) U.S. Reps. Charles Stenholm, D-Abilene, and Randy Neugebauer, R-Lubbock. Some of the political folk in Lubbock don’t like that plan, because it would cost them either a Republican congressman or the ranking Democrat on the U.S. House’s agriculture panel. Both are important.

The third special session this year — in fact, the third special session in more than a decade — starts at midmonth, and nobody has a clear idea what will happen. The Democrats are back in Texas, but say they have new tricks in their bag. The Republicans have the legislative quorum they seek, but have no agreement on a congressional redistricting plan. And the courts aren’t done with the wreckage of what was, just a year ago, still a bipartisan government.