Health care

Imagine you’re a House member and the Senate has handed you a chance to vote to cut school property taxes in half, to replace them with a penny-and-a-half addition to the state sales tax and an expansion of that tax to a bunch of stuff that’s not taxed now, and to kill the Robin Hood system of finance that’s so unpopular with voters. Fast-forward to a town hall meeting after the session. Somebody asks why you didn’t fix school finance while you were in Austin. The senator says she voted to kill it and halve property taxes, and then hands the microphone to you.

Budgets are unhappy things, even when oodles of money are available: They’re designed to put a collar and a leash on spending. It’s worse when there is no money, because you can’t feed the dog on the other end of the leash. Even if you don’t like dogs, that is unpleasant business.

And now, a non-surprise: If you keep doing things that are interesting to prosecutors, prosecutors will stick around. If prosecutors are hanging around, people will begin to talk about it, and start noticing things that might be interesting to prosecutors. The same dynamics drive good soap operas. You soon have an environment where everything looks like it might be a piece of the puzzle and where everybody is lurking about, talking to each other, trying to fit pieces together.

A rules-breaking private meeting upended a massive rewrite of Texas’ tort laws, leaving supporters of the effort scrambling to get back on schedule. The bill was well on its way to passage in the House. But after two days of debate, Rep. Jim Dunnam, D-Waco, called a point of order to say that bill was fatally flawed by a secret meeting after a committee hearing. The bill was discussed out of public hearing by more than half of the committee. After two hours of private consultation, House Speaker Tom Craddick announced he would leave the decision to a vote of the House. But after more confused consultation and some speechifying by members, he decided to sustain Dunnam’s objection.

The details are always tougher than the general idea of budget-cutting when you’re talking about government programs that have a direct effect on people’s lives. That’s why discussions about health care in any form–Medicaid, CHIP, whatever–eventually come to fit the headline above.

You can’t keep weeds out of buffalo grass. Beer and soda pop taste better when cold. Somebody prominent always gets arrested when the Legislature is in Austin. And if the state deregulates college tuition, it’ll go up.

The newest obstacle to medical malpractice liability legislation is this question: Would limits on liability increase the availability and number of abortions done in Texas every year?

Gov. Rick Perry has said on several occasions that he thinks school finance ought to be rebuilt during his administration, which lasts four years, but that he doesn’t think the Legislature has either enough experience or enough time to do it during this legislative session.

The three guys at the top of Texas government are all sworn in and official, and they are scratching around for cash. The state’s current budget is flowing red, and the next budget mismatches declining revenues with increasing costs. Gov. Rick Perry, Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst, and Speaker Tom Craddick started off with a letter to state agencies asking for the equivalent of 7 percent of their current year budgets. Some programs won’t be touched: public school funding, acute care Medicaid, the Children’s Health Insurance Program and debt service (which can’t be cut without defaulting).

Lt. Gov.-elect David Dewhurst waited until the Senate had voted on its rules—maintaining the powers of the Lite Guv—but not for his inauguration to name committees and their memberships. Unlike his predecessor, who led a Senate with a one-vote Republican majority, Dewhurst fronts a Senate with a 19-12 GOP advantage, and he tilted the table strongly in their favor. Democrats will chair six of the 15 committees in the Senate, but only one of those panels—Veterans Affairs and Military Installations—will have a Democratic majority. The major committees will have solid GOP majorities: Finance, 10-5; Business and Commerce, 6-3; Education, which gets school finance, 6-3; and Health and Human Services, where budget cuts could be focused, 6-3. State Affairs, which typically gets a range of major legislation, also has a 6-3 Republican majority.