is executive editor and co-founder of The Texas Tribune, where he writes regular columns on politics, government and public policy. Before joining the Tribune, Ross was editor and co-owner of Texas Weekly. He did a 28-month stint in government as associate deputy comptroller for policy and director of communications with the Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts. Before that, he reported for the Houston Chronicle from its Austin bureau and for the Dallas Times Herald, first on the business desk in Dallas and later as its Austin bureau chief, and worked as a Dallas-based freelance business writer, writing for regional and national magazines and newspapers. Ross got his start in journalism in broadcasting, covering news for radio stations in Denton and Dallas.
Competitiveness is the biggest difference between Texas House elections and those for Texas seats in Congress or in the state Senate. A dozen or so seats in the Texas House are still within the grasp of either of the major political parties.
Twelve of the 15 districts on the Texas Senate ballot in 2018 are represented by Republicans. Most of those, and all of those held by Democrats, have remained firmly in the clutches of the party now in power during the last two election cycles. Most of 2018's competition will be in March, not in November.
The months leading up to Monday's candidate filing deadline were full of talk about who might challenge whom, a drawn-out round of punditry. Now we know who filed for what, and some of the results were unexpected.
Former Texas Land Commissioner Jerry Patterson has decided to challenge current Commissioner George P. Bush in next year’s Republican primary. He is expected to announce his candidacy Monday, several sources said Friday.
Between courts and scandals, football and storms, rats of the literal and figurative varieties, state leaders have lately been forced to react to outside events instead of using their offices to set their own agendas.
One particular type of government program is hyper-sensitive to poor performance and quick to change at almost any dollar cost, which begs the question: Why doesn't everything work like college football?
A half-dozen members of the Texas congressional delegation have already given up their seats — and the elections haven't even started yet. This cycle could see more changes than a redistricting year, when disruption is the norm.
It’s not going to be any easier to police sexual harassment in the Texas Capitol than it is to police ethics violations; the difference, at the moment, is that lawmakers have spent more time regulating ethical transgressions.
Texas lawmakers have promised to come up with better protection for women who are sexually harassed by legislators and others in the Texas Capitol. But lawmakers aren't like the rest of us: They're difficult to regulate, even by other lawmakers.
Texas governors generally don’t endorse against incumbents, never mind endorsing against incumbents in their own party. This puts a sort of official stamp on a split in the GOP that so many Republicans won’t even acknowledge.
It's hard to argue that Texas lawmakers do as much as they could to protect the victims of sexual harassment in the state Capitol — staffers, lobbyists and even some female lawmakers. It's been a boys club for a long, long time.