The Texas Weekly Hot List

For our list of the most competitive races in Texas congressional and legislative elections, we lifted the color scheme from the inventors of the federal terror watch, ranking races by the threat to each incumbent, to the incumbent party, or just by the level of interest and heat generated.

Yellow means there's trouble on the sidewalk. Orange is trouble on the front porch. Red is trouble walking in the door.

Incumbents' names are indicated by an (i). An asterisk (*) indicates an open seat, and those are rated by the apparent competitiveness of top candidates (closer = hotter). This is certainly and intentionally subject to argument, and we'll revise and adjust as the March 4 primary approaches. Let us know what you think.

Changes this week: Raised HD-6 to red. Lowered HD-59 to orange, HD-94 and HD-134 to yellow. Added HD-8 and HD-66 to yellow.

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Guest Column: Why Three Republicans Made the Hot List

Mark P. Jones
Mark P. Jones

Three incumbent Texas state senators find themselves in an unwelcome position on the Texas Weekly Hot List this primary season. Unlike their colleagues running for re-election, for whom the primary is for all intents and purposes a mere rubber stamp, Sens. Donna Campbell, R-New Braunfels; John Carona, R-Dallas; and Kel Seliger, R-Amarillo, are all in fights for their political lives.

One common trait these three share is that their voting decisions on the Senate floor make them outliers within the GOP caucus, with records that are significantly less conservative (Carona and Seliger) or more conservative (Campbell) than we would expect based on the ideological profile of Republicans in their Senate districts. As a result, Carona and Seliger have left themselves vulnerable to criticism that they are insufficiently conservative, while Campbell has left herself open to charges of being excessively conservative, although for obvious reasons her opponents use other phrases to transmit this message.

I set out to analyze the level of ideological congruence between the 31 senators in office during the 2013 legislative sessions and each Senate district’s co-partisans. This details whether or not individual senators have voting records that are significantly more or less conservative than one would expect based on the ideological position of fellow party identifiers in their Senate districts.

District Partisan Ideology Index

Due in no small part to political gerrymandering, 30 of the 31 state Senate districts are presently uncompetitive in November, with 19 solidly red and 11 solidly blue. The exception is Tarrant County’s SD-10. As a result, the voters who count most in these districts are partisans — Republicans in the red districts and Democrats in the blue districts. It is in the primary, not the general election, where most senators’ tickets to the Capitol’s east wing get punched.

Vote-based indices, such as the Cook Partisan Voting Index and the Texas Weekly Index, reveal how partisan a district is, but provide limited information about how liberal or conservative voters in a district are. They are even less able to measure the ideological position of a district’s Democrats and Republicans.

A partial solution to this limitation involves aggregating multiple public opinion surveys to amass a sufficient number of observations for each electoral district, to allow for a more credible measure of the ideological profile of a district’s Democrats and Republicans. Here I use data from six University of Texas/Texas Tribune Polls conducted among registered voters between May 2011 and June 2013. Three items from the survey are used: a respondent’s partisan identification (Democrat, Republican, Independent, Other), ideological location on a seven-point scale (Extremely Liberal [1] to Extremely Conservative [7]) and ZIP code.

These data are combined (with appropriate weighting in instances of zip codes containing multiple districts) to create an index of the ideological profile for Republicans and Democrats in each Senate district. The District Partisan Ideology Index (DPII) is the weighted mean ideological position of Democrats in Senate districts represented by Democratic senators and of Republicans in districts represented by Republican senators. The DPII has a theoretical range of 1.00 (if every Democrat in the district self-identified as extremely liberal) to 7.00 (if every Republican in the district self-identified as extremely conservative). This is an imperfect measure of partisan voters’ ideological orientation in a district, but beats every existing index.

The Democratic and Republican Senators

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Figure 1, which draws on work by Nate Silver, plots the 31 Texas senators from the 2013 session along two dimensions. On the x-axis is the senator’s DPII while on the y-axis is the senator’s Liberal-Conservative Score (Lib-Con Score). For Democratic districts, the DPII ranges from a liberal extreme of 2.75 in Kirk Watson of Austin’s SD-14 to a high of 3.92 in Carlos Uresti of San Antonio’s SD-19. For the less ideologically diverse Republican districts, the DPII ranges from a low of 5.54 in Georgetown Sen. Charles Schwertner’s SD-5 to a conservative extreme of 6.09 in Troy Fraser of Horseshoe Bay’s SD-24. The Lib-Con Score is based on each senator’s voting record during the 2013 legislative sessions, and ranges from a liberal extreme of -2.23 (Sylvia Garcia, D-Houston) to a conservative extreme of 0.29 (Dan Patrick, R-Houston).

The line in the figure (a LOESS curve) indicates where we would expect a senator’s Lib-Con Score to be, based on the ideological profile of Republicans (for Republican senators) and of Democrats (for Democratic senators) in their district. The shaded area represents the 95 percent confidence interval associated with the senator’s expected location. Only when a senator is located outside of the shaded area can we say with any degree of certainty at all that his or her position is notably different from its expected location. Senators located significantly above the line have voting records that are more conservative than we would expect based on their DPII, while senators significantly below the line have records that are more liberal/less conservative than we would expect.

The relatively small number of cases involved in this analysis indicates we should be cautious in our conclusions. Nonetheless the results do reveal two interesting dynamics within the Texas GOP, where one group of senators would appear to have voting records in the Senate that are noticeably moderate relative to the ideological preferences of Republicans in their districts and another group’s voting records place them noticeably to the right of their Republican constituents.

A Closer Look at the Republican Senators

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The second figure zooms in on the portion of the first one that is occupied by the 19 Republican senators. It highlights five Republicans who have Lib-Con Scores significantly less conservative than we would expect based on the level of conservatism of Republicans in their district: Carona, Robert Duncan of Lubbock, Kevin Eltife of Tyler, Seliger and Bob Deuell of Greenville. These significant gaps between senators’ voting records and the ideological positions of their Republican constituents are especially strong in the cases of Carona, Duncan and Eltife. On the other end of the continuum are five Republicans who have Lib-Con Scores significantly more conservative than we would expect based on the level of conservatism of Republicans in their districts: Patrick, Kelly Hancock of North Richland Hills, Brian Birdwell of Granbury, Campbell, and Ken Paxton of McKinney.

Being seen by primary voters as insufficiently conservative is probably a far greater liability in today’s Texas GOP than is being viewed as excessively conservative. It is thus not surprising that all three of the Republicans located significantly below the line who are running for re-election this year (the terms of the other two end in two years) face primary opposition from rivals who are criticizing them for being insufficiently conservative, among other things. While Deuell, the most conservative of the three, probably is not losing too much sleep over his primary contest against Bob Hall and Mark Thompson in SD-2, Carona in SD-16 and Seliger in SD-31 find themselves facing very credible challenges from Don Huffines and Mike Canon.

Campbell is one of two Republicans (Hancock, who handily defeated centrist conservative Todd Smith in the 2012 primary, is the other) whose voting record locates them at a position significantly more conservative than what we would expect based on their DPII and who at the same time is running for re-election this year. The freshman senator from New Braunfels faces a credible challenge from Mike Novak, whose criticism of Campbell often tends to focus on her being excessively conservative, couched in terms that don’t paint him as moderate. Another knock against Campbell is that unlike her two opponents (Elisa Chan is the third), she is not from Bexar County, which accounts for more than half of SD-25’s population and a large majority of the district’s leading business figures.

On March 4, Republican primary voters will provide partial answers to two very salient questions via their vote choices in SD-16, SD-31 and SD-25. To what extent can GOP legislators possess a pragmatic and moderate conservative voting record relative to Republicans in their district and survive a very credible primary challenge from the right? And can GOP legislators go so far to the right in their floor voting behavior that it adversely affects their ability to win re-election?

Mark P. Jones is the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy’s Fellow in Political Science, the Joseph D. Jamail Chair in Latin American Studies and the chairman of the Department of Political Science at Rice University.

Ethics Commission Takes First Step on Dark Money Disclosure

Michael Quinn Sullivan of Empower Texans and Texans for Fiscal Responsibility.
Michael Quinn Sullivan of Empower Texans and Texans for Fiscal Responsibility.

The Texas Ethics Commission took a small step Thursday toward doing what the Legislature was unable to do last session — figure out a way to get the politically active nonprofit groups that have become increasingly active in recent years to disclose the identity of their donors.

Many argue that the ability of these groups to grant anonymity to their donors while spending money independently to influence elections is precisely why they have become popular. Independent direct expenditures on campaigns became common after the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2010 decision in Citizens United v. FEC.

Instead of writing a new law, lobbyist Steve Bresnen proposed a rule that presumes contributions made to a group spending money on campaigns are campaign contributions.

According to Bresnen, that puts the burden of proof on the group to show the contribution wasn’t intended for political purposes.  “It cannot be that this system depends on them to voluntarily disclose,” Bresnen said. “Otherwise, we have a system of secret money.”

Groups across the ideological spectrum in Texas have adopted the practice of using nonprofits to spend directly on campaigns. One of those groups, Empower Texans, makes independent expenditures through a 501(c)(4), Texans for Fiscal Responsibility.

Joe Nixon, an attorney for Empower Texans, called it “shameful” that the Ethics Commission would consider the rule. He said Bresnen was attempting to get at nonprofit groups’ donor lists “in order to shut it down.”

He compared the action to the recent IRS controversy in which extra attention was given to checking the nonprofit status of certain political groups and also to attempts in Alabama to harass the NAACP in the 1950s.

The state does not have a compelling interest to regulate here, said Nixon, who added that it was “ironic” that a state agency that enforces election laws is not itself following the law.

Lawmakers passed legislation last session on the topic, only to have Gov. Rick Perry veto the bill.

Thursday’s action by the Ethics Commission was to publish the proposed rule. After publication, the public would have at least 30 days to comment, with action required within six months.

The vote to publish was 6-2 with the chairman and vice chairman voting no. Bresnen that the other commissioners were interested in seeing the process move forward but that it “would be fair to say they’re not wedded to my particular formulation.”

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On Wednesday, the Ethics Commission approved subpoenas for witnesses and documents in advance of an April 3 formal hearing on complaints filed against Empower Texans and Michael Quinn Sullivan, the group’s president and CEO.

The complaints allege that Empower Texans illegally solicited money for its PAC and that Sullivan acted as an unregistered lobbyist.

Formal hearings are extremely rare before the Ethics Commission, and Joe Nixon, Empower Texans' attorney, told commissioners that they lacked an adopted set of rules on which to conduct their hearing.

He also said that holding a combined hearing on the two complaints did not give him enough of an opportunity to mount an effective defense of his clients. “We’ve had a two-year process getting here,” Nixon told The Texas Tribune on Thursday. “What is the rush?”

On Wednesday, Nixon vigorously challenged Ethics Commission Chairman Jim Clancy on his authority to set the parameters of the formal hearing. Clancy responded that existing law on administrative practices gave him the latitude to hold a hearing. He said the decision to hear both complaints in a single hearing was based on duplicative testimony during the preliminary hearings.

Nixon disagreed with Clancy's legal argument, asserting that the commission should have adopted a specific set of rules beforehand on how to conduct a formal hearing and that the best way forward was for the commission to go through a rulemaking process before continuing with the complaints.

Clancy also made a distinction between an administrative hearing before his agency and a district court review that Empower Texans could ask for after the conclusion of the ethics commission review.

Nixon seized on Clancy’s statement as suggesting the chairman was predisposed against his client. And on Thursday, he complained about the ethics commission “wanting to take money out of my client’s pocket without having a set of rules. That is a lack of due process.”

Among those receiving subpoenas to testify were Sullivan as well as those who filed the complaints — lobbyist Steve Bresnen, state Rep. Jim Keffer and former state Rep. Vicki Truitt. A separate set of subpoenas would seek testimony from five Empower Texans staff members.

Newsreel: Cigarroa to Resign, "Third World" Feud, Miller at TribLive

This week in the Newsreel: University of Texas System Chancellor Francisco Cigarroa will step down, Wendy Davis and Greg Abbott feud over his "third world" remark and Sid Miller stops by for a TribLive interview.

Inside Intelligence: About Primaries, Launch Pads...

Early voting starts next week, so we asked the insiders what they think of several races, which offices will be the best launch pads for the next group of candidates and whether the losers in this year’s primaries will get another chance.

The endangered list — at least according to the conventional wisdom of the insiders — is topped by state Rep. Stefani Carter, R-Dallas, who faces a tough re-election bid in HD-102. Two other incumbents — state Rep. Jonathan Stickland, R-Bedford, and state Sen. John Carona, R-Dallas — are next on that list.

We asked about launch pads, and which offices serve as the best ones. Attorney general won in a landslide, followed by railroad commissioner and comptroller. The state’s top lawyer almost always runs for higher office, as do the folks who regulate oil and gas in Texas.

The worst place to start a bid for higher office? Congress, according to the insiders.

Only a few of the losers in this year’s statewide elections will be viable in future elections, according to 55 percent of the insiders. About one in five said most of them will be on future lists, while 17 percent said none of them will be viable.

As always, we collected some comments as we went along, and a full set is attached. Here is a sampling:

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Which incumbent legislators do you think are in real re-election trouble in this year's primary elections?

• "In many cases 'real' trouble comes into focus in the rear view mirror.  I assumed Donna Campbell would be facing a huge challenge in February but now that we are here she is doing well and it seems like she is going to hold her seat."

• "It's safe to say that when you either abandon a core value of your party's platform, or you spend the first part of an election cycle running for a different job, you are probably at risk of being defeated in a primary."

• "The grassroots are eager to replace the OLD who refuses to listen to them. If they won't vote conservatively, then they're doing a poor job."

• "Ogle making HD 6 close, but Schaefer will win by single digits ... Hopefully that'll put him on notice. Campbell will be fine, but I'd rather deal with Elisa Chan any day. Koop is a way better candidate than Carter and I hope she wins. Also, I think Carter pissed off that district by bailing for RRC and coming back. Dumb move. LHB's time has come ... she's probably gone. Sarah is probably gonna be fine, but I think it's a serious challenge, and that’s too bad, cuz she's a good rep. Naomi is gone. Huffines is pissing people off with all the negative mailers"

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Which is the best launch pad for higher office in Texas?

• "All of them depending on higher office.  Statewide-Comptroller"

• "Isn't higher office relative?  I'll offer District Judge as my choice--how many Texas Supreme Court, Court of Criminal Appeals, and courts of appeals justices and judges first sat on a district bench before rising up to a higher office/bench?  Additionally, Abbott and Cornyn both started as a district judge.  And don't forget about congressmen Carter, Gohmert, and Poe or state senator Huffman (former district judges all).  Seems like being a district judge is a nice, little known launching pad for many folks."

• "The best launch pad is to be wealthy, come from a wealthy family, or have wealthy friends that are willing to gamble on you,"

• "OAG, or 'Office of Aspiring Governor.'  When's the last time an AG did *not* run for higher office?!?"

• "The AG can earn statewide media coverage every day of the week, if he/she wants to."

• "Not Congress - it's very difficult to serve in DC and to keep a broad base of support beyond your district."

• "Hard to argue against ag commissioner.  John C. White, Rick Perry, Susan Combs.  Preston Smith was the last lite guv to get a promotion."

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Will the candidates who lose this year’s statewide primaries be viable in future elections?

• "Depends on whether they lose in March or in a run-off.  And whether adults in their party come to their senses later on down the road."

• "If they are rich or can raise money, they will always be viable."

• "The great thing about politics is that there is always a 2nd, 3rd, 4th ACT."

• "As 'viable' as they are today, one would suppose"

• "Politics move fast in Texas. You don't see many retreads. Almost all failed statewides are 'one and done' with very few exceptions."

Our thanks to this week’s participants: Gene Acuna, Cathie Adams, Jenny Aghamalian, Brandon Alderete, Clyde Alexander, George Allen, Jay Arnold, Charles Bailey, Dave Beckwith, Andrew Biar, Allen Blakemore, Tom Blanton, Chris Britton, David Cabrales, Thure Cannon, Snapper Carr, Janis Carter, Corbin Casteel, William Chapman, Elna Christopher, Beth Cubriel, Randy Cubriel, Curtis Culwell, Jenna Dailey, Denise Davis, Hector De Leon, Nora Del Bosque, Glenn Deshields, Holly DeShields, Tom Duffy, Richard Dyer, Jack Erskine, Jon Fisher, Wil Galloway, Neftali Garcia, Norman Garza, Dominic Giarratani, Bruce Gibson, John Greytok, Clint Hackney, Wayne Hamilton, Bill Hammond, Richard Hardy, John Heasley, Ken Hodges, Deborah Ingersoll, Jason Johnson, Mark Jones, Robert Jones, Lisa Kaufman, Robert Kepple, Richard Khouri, Tom Kleinworth, Sandy Kress, Dale Laine, Nick Lampson, Pete Laney, James LeBas, Luke Legate, Ruben Longoria, Matt Mackowiak, Mike McKinney, Robert Miller, Steve Minick, Bee Moorhead, Mike Moses, Richard Murray, Keats Norfleet, Pat Nugent, Sylvia Nugent, Todd Olsen, Nef Partida, Gardner Pate, Jerod Patterson, Jerry Philips, Tom Phillips, Richard Pineda, Allen Place, Kraege Polan, Gary Polland, Jay Pritchard, Jay Propes, Patrick Reinhart, David Reynolds, Carl Richie, Grant Ruckel, Jason Sabo, Luis Saenz, Jim Sartwelle, Barbara Schlief, Stan Schlueter, Bruce Scott, Robert Scott, Ben Sebree, Christopher Shields, Jason Skaggs, Ed Small, Martha Smiley, Todd Smith, Larry Soward, Leonard Spearman, Dennis Speight, Tom Spilman, Jason Stanford, Bill Stevens, Bob Strauser, Colin Strother, Sherry Sylvester, Gerard Torres, Trey Trainor, Vicki Truitt, Corbin Van Arsdale, Ware Wendell, Ken Whalen, David White, Darren Whitehurst, Seth Winick, Peck Young, Angelo Zottarelli.

The Calendar

Saturday, Feb. 15

  • Tarrant County Democratic Party's Senate District Convention Ball, featuring state Sen. Wendy Davis; Masonic Center, Fort Worth (7-10 p.m.)
  • Texas: Free and Prosperous — Guns and Gold event, featuring comptroller candidate Debra Medina and former U.S. Rep. Ron Paul; Crowne Plaza Houston (3-6 p.m.)

Tuesday, Feb. 18

  • Start of early voting
  • Bexar GOP Lincoln Day Dinner, featuring Sen. Ted Cruz; The Vista at Valero, San Antonio (6 p.m.)
  • Fundraiser for Texas Supreme Court Chief Justice Nathan Hecht and Justices Phil JohnsonJeff Boyd and Jeff Brown, featuring Gov. Rick Perry; The Austin Club, Austin (4-5:30 p.m.)
  • Fundraiser for state Sen. Joan Huffman; The Austin Club, Austin (4:30-6:30 p.m.)
  • Fundraiser for state Rep. Dan Huberty; The Austin Club, Austin (noon-1 p.m.)
  • Fundraiser for state Rep. Armando Walle; The Austin Club, Austin (4:30-6:30 p.m.)

Wednesday, Feb. 19

  • Fundraiser for state Rep. Senfronia Thompson; La Griglia, Houston (noon-1:15 p.m.)
  • Texas Civil Rights Project Houston's Voting Rights Benefit; Hughes Hangar, Houston (6-8 p.m.) 

Thursday, Feb. 20

  • Fundraiser for U.S. Rep. Eddie Bernice Johnson; 3302 Far View Drive, Austin (4:30-7 p.m.)
 

The Week in the Rearview Mirror

A federal judge in San Antonio heard arguments Wednesday in a case seeking to overturn Texas' gay marriage ban. But even if the judge strikes down the ban, an appeals process will likely prevent same-sex couples from rushing to get married.

Ted Cruz put his party's Senate leaders in a tough spot Wednesday: vote against the Democrats on raising the debt limit and risk damaging global markets, or vote with the Democrats and hand Tea Party challengers a line of attack. In the end, the top two Senate Republicans, including senior Texas Sen. John Cornyn, voted to allow final passage of the legislation.

Former Cameron County District Attorney Armando Villalobos was sentenced Tuesday to 13 years in prison for his role in a corruption scheme that in recent days has become a hot topic in the governor's race. GOP gubernatorial candidate Greg Abbott referred to "corruption resembling third-world country practices" in a Dallas speech that raised hackles in the Rio Grande Valley and among Democrats. Abbott later said his comments were not directed specifically at the Valley. In a separate visit to the Valley, land commissioner candidate George P. Bush said Abbott's comments had been "taken out of context."

Democratic gubernatorial candidate Wendy Davis released the latest of her education reform proposals, calling for the state to increase access to full-day pre-kindergarten programs and prioritize early-childhood reading programs.

In January, an additional 89,500 Texans selected a health plan on the insurance marketplace created by the Affordable Care Act, according to federal data released Wednesday.

Through the middle of this week, attorney general candidate Dan Branch and lite guv candidate Dan Patrick had spent virtually the same amount of money in network TV ad buys in the state's four biggest media markets. Branch had spent a little more than $1.9 million, and Patrick had spent a little less than $1.9 million. The third-biggest spender was comptroller candidate Glenn Hegar, who spent about $1.1 million. Early voting in the party primaries begins on Tuesday.

GOP U.S. Sen. challenger Steve Stockman filed a libel lawsuit in Harris County against a PAC supporting the incumbent John Cornyn. In the suit, Stockman accuses the group of spreading untrue statements, including falsely asserting that he was charged with a felony. Media reports later focused on Stockman's own statements to a reporter that during a two-day stint in jail in 1977, officers found three tablets of Valium he had smuggled in his underwear.

Political People and their Moves

Billy Ray Stubblefield of Georgetown was reappointed by Gov. Rick Perry as presiding judge of the Third Administrative Judicial Region. Formerly a district judge in Williamson County, Stubblefield was first appointed presiding judge in 2010. His term expires four years from the date of qualification.

Maj. Gen. John F. Nichols of Spring Branch was reappointed adjutant general of Texas by Perry for a term to expire Feb. 1, 2016.

Perry reappointed 11 members to the Governor's Commission for Women for terms to expire Dec. 31, 2015. He also named Maria "Carmen" Pagan of McAllen chairwoman and Elisa "Lisa" Lucero of Austin vice chairwoman of the commission.

Emily Willeford Christy was appointed the Texas Department of Public Safety Foundation's first executive director. Christy previously managed the USAA public policy program and the USAA Employee PAC.

The political arm of the Texas Medical Association endorsed Republican Greg Abbott for governor; Glenn Callison, a Republican running in the Collin County-based HD-66; and Skip Ogle, a Republican challenger running in the Smith County-based HD-6.

The Combined Law Enforcement Associations of Texas (CLEAT) endorsed Republican Greg Abbott for governor and Republican Dan Branch for attorney general. In addition, it endorsed Democratic state Rep. R.D. "Bobby" Guerra of Hidalgo County-based HD-41 for re-election.

Texas Parent PAC endorsed Ann Hodge in the HD-132 Republican primary. The district, based in western Harris County, is open because the incumbent, Bill Callegari, is not running for re-election. The PAC also endorsed Steve Massengale, who is challenging Charles Perry in the Republican primary for the South Plains-based HD-83.

Texas Right to Life endorsed Karen Harris in the HD-53 Republican primary. The rural district, which covers territory northwest of San Antonio, is open because the incumbent, Harvey Hilderbran, is running for state comptroller. The group also endorsed former GOP state Rep. John V. Garza, who is running to reclaim the seat in Bexar County-based HD-117.

GOP attorney general candidate Ken Paxton was endorsed by former U.S. House Majority Leader Dick Armey as well as by Grassroots America - We the People PAC, which bills itself as one of the largest constitutional conservative organizations in Texas.

Quotes of the Week

It is disgraceful to compare a minor, at-fault fender bender to the life threatening sacrifices made by so many soldiers who have been wounded during battle.

HD-102 GOP challenger Sam Brown, criticizing the incumbent, Stefani Carter, for her account of a car accident that she described at a candidate forum as a "life altering" event

I’m getting this monkey off your back and you’re not going to even clap?

Speaker of the House John Boehner, questioning the muted reaction of his fellow House Republicans to his decision to allow a vote on a "clean" debt ceiling bill

It should have been a very easy vote. In my view, every Senate Republican should have stood together and said what every one of us tells our constituents back home, which is that we will not go along with raising the debt ceiling while doing nothing to fix the underlying out-of-control spending problem.

U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, disagreeing with the GOP strategy of agreeing on a "clean" debt ceiling bill

Only in Texas do candidates feel it necessary to vehemently deny claims that they are moderate, pragmatic or reasonable.

Rice University political scientist Mark P. Jones, on the modern state of the Texas GOP

I have made the Kool-Aid for many years for other Hispanics to come into the party — I made the Kool-Aid and people drank it. And I refuse to make that kind of Kool-Aid anymore. Not for this party. Not for these leaders.

Hispanic Republican leader Massey Villarreal, expressing his dismay with the tone taken by the GOP candidates for lieutenant governor on immigration